Rearmament distances peace
Together we build an anti-war movement in a Europe of solidarity
The call for a demonstration on 15 March next, born from an idea of Michele Serra and picked up first by La Repubblica, then by parties and movements, does not convince us. Especially today when Europe, through the 'Rearm Europe' programme, chooses to spend 800 billion euros on an enormous rearmament programme.
Eight hundred billion euros spent on stockpiling weapons, supplying our armies, filling our arsenals with bombs and drones. This is not the Europe we want. That is why, on 15 March, we of Un Ponte Per non will be in the square.
These are funds that would further impoverish already meagre budgets, putting the growth of military spending and the arms business before the necessary investments in the social, for an ecological transition, to combat economic and gender inequalities. As we witness the collapse of the value of international law in increasingly unstable geopolitical scenarios, we fear that this square does not represent us.
We are convinced pro-Europeans, but not of this Europe that makes war to seek peace. We are in favour of disarmament and against nuclear rearmament, and we support the need to resume the path begun in Helsinki in 1975 for the creation of a common and shared security system. We would like to relaunch, 30 years after the Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean Conference, the idea of a Mediterranean that is a sea of peace and cooperation.
These modern times have little to do with the beautiful post-war Europe, the 'free and united' Europe that was imagined in Ventontene. Today, the American dream is a violent act to monetise the money invested over the years in military aid: it claims chunks of Ukraine, dreams of building resorts in Gaza, threatens invasions while starving the world, cutting global spending on international cooperation.
And what does Europe do? It goes into debt and spends on weapons, fortifies itself on the skin of human, social and environmental rights. To make money for the military industry, it jeopardises decades of democratic freedoms and the possibility of stopping the ecocide of our planet.
It is not enough to say 'Europe' if we do not say 'which' Europe we want; if we omit from that appeal the opposition to rearmament and do not even accidentally mention the genocide in Palestine or the very serious attacks launched against the institutions responsible for the protection of international law such as the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
Aware that many pacifist forces will be in the streets in many Italian cities, carrying peace flags, and with respect for all the citizens who will decide to demonstrate for their idea of Europe, we at Un Ponte Per choose not to participate in the call of realities and parties that too often confuse increasing military spending with building peace.
We know that new appeals have been made, aimed at correcting the initial line all bent towards rearmament and the continuation of wars. This is a positive fact, but in our opinion insufficient to change the potential instrumental use towards militarist drifts that some of the adherents explicitly hope for.
What is needed is a collective campaign to demand not to invest in weapons but in cooperation, to work with civil societies to prevent and transform conflicts and violent extremism. A mobilisation against the great powers that plunder natural resources and impose partitions, deportations and ethnic cleansing. It is increasingly urgent to build a transversal Europeanist movement for peace and justice among peoples. That is why, from 16 March, we will be at the forefront of building a mobilisation against 'Rearm Europe'.
Un Ponte Per
Hospitals without drugs for life-saving operations. Clinics in camps for displaced people without medical staff. Ambulances stopped due to lack of fuel.
This is the devastating reality we are facing in north-east Syria after the US administration's decision to stop funding USAID. A decision that, overnight, has left millions of people without the essential support they need to survive in an area that still depends entirely on international aid. And we, who have been working on the ground since 2015, see the effects of this catastrophe every day.
Due to the suspension of USAID funds announced on 20 January, which resulted in the closure of 90 per cent of the agency's programmes on the evening of 25 February, more than 4.5 million people in need of life-saving humanitarian assistance are at risk of being left without support, and that in north-east Syria alone.
It is urgent that every person in solidarity chooses to donate to curb this drama.
This is witnessed by Lavinia Brunetti, Un Ponte Per worker from the Areesha camp, in the TV2000 report.
HUMANITARIAN AID UNDER ATTACK
Trump's is a real attack on international aid, which as of mid-February has already led to the interruption of 61% of services that provide access to primary and secondary health care, 54% of programmes to protect against gender-based violence and the exploitation of child labour, 56% of programmes that now provide access to clean water and basic sanitation, and 53% of food security programmes.
Our Director General, Martina Pignatti Morano, makes an urgent appeal:
"The suspension of USAID funds is exacerbating an already deep humanitarian crisis in Syria, leaving millions of people without access to essential services. In a country ravaged by 13 years of conflict, this decision is forcing international and local humanitarian organisations to scale back, if not stop altogether, vital operations, particularly affecting the most vulnerable in the communities: women, children and girls, and displaced people who are entirely dependent on international aid."
This is an unprecedented crisis that affects the entire country, but which becomes particularly critical in the north-east: here, more than 100 health facilities in the governorates of Deir ez-Zor, Hassakeh, Raqqa and Aleppo risk total closure between March and April 2025.
In camps for displaced people, the disruption of health services and vaccination programmes is exposing children to deadly diseases such as measles and cholera, with the risk of an alarming increase in child mortality. Local organisations, pillars of the humanitarian response, without international support are running out of resources to provide assistance.
Without immediate action, the entire Syrian healthcare system risks collapse. The lives of thousands of people suddenly deprived of primary medical care are at risk.
THE RESPONSE OF A BRIDGE TO
We at Un Ponte Per have been working in north-east Syria for 10 years, supporting the population in the difficult process of rebuilding a public health system and responding to the humanitarian needs of the population. Over many years we have been through numerous emergencies, attacks on health facilities and infrastructure, as well as natural disasters, and we have always continued to do our part, standing by the side of the most vulnerable communities.
To date, our interventions have provided 1,640,000 people with access to primary health care, protection programmes for women and children, clean water and sanitation. People who count on our support.
These included more than 100,000 residents of camps - including the one in Al Hol - and 700,000 who relied on the Hassakeh National Hospital, which provided free treatment to 1,300 patients every month , including 300 mothers with their children.
We are doing everything we can to keep the essential services of the Hassakeh Hospital and the clinics in the camps operational. Thanks to the donations we have received, we have ensured the coverage of the hospital's need for life-saving medicines for the months of January and February. But all this is in danger of having to be suspended any day now: on 27 February alone, more than 450 people in the hospital were laid off, and without new funds, by 30 April most of the services in all the health facilities will be completely interrupted.
URGENT APPEAL
Our Director states this clearly:
"With the closure of the NGO projects that operated in the area, the poorest region of Syria is in absolute need of the solidarity of each and every one of us. Every donation, large or small, can now make a difference and will help us to guarantee care, provide medication and protection to support the population as we have always done, and for as long as it is needed."
FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS
On 20 January 2025, US President Donald Trump issued the Presidential Executive Order to reassess and realign US foreign aid, which imposed a 90-day stop on funding disbursements (expiring on 30 April) for development assistance around the world, in order to assess programme effectiveness and 'coherence with foreign policy'. The parameters of the review process are unclear and have not been made public, but the US administration has already started to cancel hundreds of USAID contracts and funding, effective immediately. A 'coherence' that has been translated on the ground into immediate cuts in aid to programmes for health care, education, protection and support for women's empowerment: a direct attack on humanitarian and development aid.
On 26 February, the Trump administration issued over 10,000 project suspension letters that reached UN agencies and numerous NGOs. These include Un Ponte Per, which has seen 90% of its activities in north-east Syria officially suspended, drastically reducing its capacity to support the operations of local health facilities such as the National Hospital in Hassakeh, Primary Health Care Centres in camps for displaced persons, Mobile Health Units and Ambulance Coordination Centres, which guarantee primary health services in internal medicine, paediatrics, gynaecology, treatment of infectious diseases, analysis laboratories and medical dispensaries, and psychological support to tens of thousands of people every month. These activities also offered the possibility of identifying cases of women survivors of gender-based violence, children and girls excluded from education and victims of child labour, early marriages, and accompanying them in dedicated support paths.
Un Ponte Per first started working with USAID/BHA at the request of its local partners in north-eastern Syria to compensate for the progressive reduction of international funding for programmes active in the area. In January 2020, in fact, with the UN Cross Border Resolution, following the veto of Russia and China, the United Nations renewed humanitarian support to the country but halved the number of crossings through which aid could be accessed, closing those from Iraq and Jordan and leaving the north-east of Syria effectively isolated. Non-governmental organisations such as Un Ponte Per that have refused to register with the Damascus government since that year, so as not to come to terms with the dictatorial regime of Bashar al-Assad, have lost the possibility of accessing these funds, finding themselves forced to face serious humanitarian shortages without the necessary financial support. At the same time, since 2022, following the humanitarian emergency caused by Russia's aggression against Ukraine, EU agencies have gradually decreased their engagement in crisis countries such as north-east Syria to focus their resources on responding to the Ukrainian humanitarian emergency, increasing the gap between available funding and the need to respond to the population's needs.
On 30 April, the 90-day suspension of USAID funds ends, and it is very likely that funding for programmes already notified of the suspension will be confirmed, a cut that will disproportionately affect Syria's most vulnerable communities who, after almost 14 years of conflict, depend entirely on aid for their survival.
In north-east Syria, the consequences of this decision could be catastrophic, if alternative sources of support are not found, the health system risks collapse: hundreds of thousands of people will be left without life-saving assistance, basic care, medicines, further aggravating an already dramatic humanitarian situation. Finally, this could fuel tensions and unrest in camps for displaced persons and communities, creating fertile ground for the resurgence of extremist movements.
In this context, every donation can make a difference.
By Ambra Malandrin - Protection & Education Coordinator of Un Ponte Per
The'Mala Jin', as 'Women's Houses' are called in the Kurdish language, were established in Syria in 2011. The first was opened in Qamishlo, in the north-east, and immediately became a beacon of hope and resistance during some of the most difficult pages in the country's history. Created with the aim of combating gender-based violence and promoting women's self-determination, the Houses have had to overcome many challenges and obstacles over time.
During the years of occupation of territory by the Islamic State (Daesh), the Mala Jin worked in extremely dangerous conditions, facing threats from ideological systems that pervasively restricted women's freedom and rights. But even before, during the long years of the Asad regime, their capacity to intervene was severely limited by state policies that never effectively and systemically addressed the issue of violence against women.
Yet, despite the difficulties, the Mala Jin and the activists behind them have never given up, expanding their presence in the Syrian territory, and in the north east in particular. From Aleppo to Shehba, from Afrin to areas liberated from the presence of Daesh, activists have continued their work to protect, support and accompany women survivors of gender-based violence on their path to freedom and self-determination.
WOMEN'S HOMES IN TODAY'S SYRIA
Women's Houses are social spaces dedicated to handling marital and family disputes and defending women's rights, but also safe places where survivors or those still at risk of violence can find support, support and shelter - material and economic - together with their children.
Through capillary and grassroots work, with awareness-raising campaigns, denunciation through the media and presence in the community, the Mala Jin activists, in collaboration with the North East Autonomous Administration, and in particular with the institutions dealing with gender issues, today play a crucial role in protecting women from violence and feminicide. Managed on a voluntary basis, the Women's Houses now number 22, distributed between the cantons of Hassakeh and Qamishlo, where they address all the communities present: Kurdish, Arab, Christian.
In addition to providing spaces for protection, the activists also provide psychological and legal support to the women who turn to them. Considering that there are only two institutionally supported anti-violence centres in the entire area of north-east Syria, it is clear that the role of the Mala Jin is indispensable in a context where the network of social services and support for the population is still under construction.
To this end, Mala Jin activists also work as community mediators, attempting to resolve family conflicts and ensuring that women survivors of violence can access free legal protection, while carrying out valuable awareness-raising work with educational programmes aimed at adolescents, both in schools and in community spaces. Combining direct support with awareness-raising and advocacy, the Mala Jin reality represents a milestone in the fight for gender equality and women's safety: a vital resource for creating awareness and protection.
THE CHANGING POLITICAL LANDSCAPE OF NORTH-EASTERN SYRIA
This is particularly relevant in light of the current situation in north-east Syria, which is characterised by rapid changes and uncertain developments. While the territorial borders are shifting after the fall of the Asad regime, the general conditions in the country remain unstable due to the presence of militias and continuous Turkish attacks, especially in the areas of Mambij and Kobane. Uncertainty that weighs, of course, on the work of the Mala Jin, as political negotiations between the autonomous administration in the north-east and the new government forces that have taken control of the rest of the country remain under discussion.
Closely linked to the feminist movement and the 'Kongra Star', the confederation of women's organisations in north-east Syria, the Women's Houses have suffered significant losses due to the conflicts in the area. Their work is fully in line with the political project that the North-Eastern Autonomous Administration has set itself, to break down patriarchy and gender hierarchies within the community.
OUR COMMON PATH
We at Un Ponte Per, who have been present in North East Syria since 2015, have been actively supporting the Mala Jin since 2021, when we first met them. Over the years, we have devised various projects to support their work, and to respond to the demands that the activists have made of us. Among them, that of providing ongoing training to women workers on combating gender-based violence, to make their already valuable work in the communities even more effective. But also to help with material support, by providing the Women's Houses with basic things such as computers, awareness-raising campaign materials, furniture.
Together, we collaborated in organising public events on important occasions to raise attention to the status of women, such as the 8 March mobilisations and the 16 days of activism against gender-based violence. And again, we tried to understand the needs of the population by conducting surveys and awareness-raising sessions together.
Despite these efforts, economic support remains a challenge for the Women's Houses, as well as for all the associative and political realities operating in north-east Syria. The activists still need material support, to run the spaces created for the survivors, as well as continuous training to make their impact even more effective. But they also need knowledge and visibility: in a West that retains strongly colonial postures, knowing and respecting the work and experience of feminist movements located in the geographical space of West Asia and North Africa is crucial.
In a context of militarisation, uncertainty and political instability, the presence of local feminist realities remains central. Today we pay tribute to their commitment and vision to combat gender-based violence and build a future of freedom and self-determination.
Ambra Malandrin
Protection & Education Coordinator
An interview with Gulistan Issa, Project Manager of Un Ponte Per, outlines the ecological crisis in North-East Syria and the response of the Autonomous Administration, which is tackling the environmental challenges with sustainable initiatives, community management of resources and reforestation projects.
By Daniela Galié for DinamoPress*
In Northeast Syria, water has become a strategic resource and a matter of survival. The water crisis affecting Rojava is not only the result of an increasingly arid climate or old infrastructure, but the fruit of a systematic encirclement that aims to economically and socially strangle this political experience. Turkey's control of water sources and forced reduction of water flows have amplified an already dramatic shortage, exacerbated by war and international sanctions.
Once-vital rivers, such as the Xabur and Çaxçax, only flow for a few months of the year, while towns such as Hesekê survive on rationing and reservoirs. Agriculture, the mainstay of regional self-sufficiency, is in crisis. At the same time, groundwater pollution and the lack of efficient purification systems are turning drinking water into an increasingly rare commodity.
The water problem is part of a broader ecological crisis. Waste disposal, for example, is often entrusted to unregulated landfills located close to water sources. Air pollution, due to rudimentary oil refining and the massive use of diesel generators, contributes to a further deterioration of environmental quality.
Despite this, Rojava is responding strongly. The model of Democratic Confederalism has placed ecology at the centre of its politics, promoting bottom-up initiatives to counter the difficult environmental and geopolitical conditions.
Through reforestation projects, the reduction of the use of chemical fertilisers and the development of community water management strategies, efforts are made to ensure that water remains a right for all and not a weapon in the hands of external powers.
To better understand this emergency and the strategies adopted on the ground, we interviewed Gulistan Issa, Project Manager and Campaigner of the humanitarian organisation Un Ponte Per. Born in Hesekê in 1994, she lived and studied in Syria, graduating in pharmaceutical sciences from Homs University in 2017. Soon after, she started working with humanitarian organisations and now works on the ground, in Rojava, to help tackle an environmental crisis with deep political roots.
ECOLOGY AND SELF-MANAGEMENT: A MODEL OF ENVIRONMENTAL RESISTANCE
In Rojava, the Democratic Confederalism model is proposed as a project that integrates ecological principles into social organisation. The administrative autonomy of North-East Syria is based on a balanced relationship between community and nature, tackling with determination the limits imposed by available resources. The commitment to a political ecology is not only theoretical, but is translated into concrete initiatives. "A significant example is the existence at the University of Rojava of a Jinology faculty that deals with ecology and ecofeminism. This facility works to integrate ecological principles into everyday life, with a focus on the role of women in environmental management,' Issa explains.
The role of women in this transformation is crucial. Among the most active figures in this field is Berivan Omar, deputy co-chairwoman of the Local Government Department. "She and her team are doing important work, addressing environmental challenges and integrating ecological solutions into the self-government system," Issa points out.
In Rojava, sustainability is not an abstract concept, but a necessity for survival. "Ecology is considered a fundamental pillar," says Issa. "If you look at the self-management model and the social structure of the region, it becomes clear that the relationship between ecosystem and community is essential for sustainable living in Rojava."
WASTE MANAGEMENT AND HEALTH
In the context of a Syrian North-East in continuous emergency, waste management represents one of the most complex challenges for the Autonomous Administration. For decades, there has been no real waste collection and disposal system, let alone a structured recycling programme, throughout Syria. In recent years, a number of experimental projects have been launched that aim to radically transform this sector, although they come up against limited budgets and insufficient infrastructure.
"With Un Ponte Per we started a solid waste management and recycling project, which was implemented in cooperation with the municipal environment department and has been going on for about two years. The initiative has introduced composting areas for organic waste, with material collected from fruit and vegetable markets and restaurants. However, the available resources do not allow us to cover the entire region due to an extremely limited budget. We cannot intervene in all of Hasakê, Qamişlo or the rest of Rojava'.
The role of local administrations has been decisive. "The municipalities have made a great effort to equip themselves with waste collection vehicles and to provide dedicated composting spaces," Issa continues.
Today, the pilot project initiated in Hasakê has made it possible to separate waste into categories - paper, plastic and organic waste - and to link this process to local economic cooperatives. "Through cooperatives linked to self-government, recyclable materials are sold to one of the few recycling companies in the region. The proceeds are reinvested in social projects. One of the most concrete examples of this initiative is the creation of a space for women: with the funds from the sale of cardboard and plastic, some cooperatives opened a small gymnasium and sports club. Next to the gymnasium a space for children was set up, allowing women to have time for themselves'.
In addition to solid waste, Rojava also faces the problem of medical waste disposal. Without adequate infrastructure, hospitals and clinics risk turning into hotbeds of infection, making an effective management system essential. "For the past five years, we have been running a specific medical waste management project in cooperation with the Kurdish Red Crescent," explains Issa. "We have involved more than 60 health facilities throughout the region, from Qamişlo to Dêrik, from Tabqa to Manbij."
One of the main objectives was to introduce the separation of waste by categories directly within the healthcare facilities. "We trained medical staff on how to deal with hazardous waste," says Issa. "We then built sanitary disposal areas outside the cities to avoid contamination."
Today, there are more than 15 dedicated medical waste disposal areas in Rojava. The process involves several steps: 'The waste is collected daily by municipal staff and transported to the dedicated areas. Here they are disposed of through a system that includes glass shatterers, volume reducers for needles and syringes, and incinerators for contaminated materials such as masks, gauze and gloves'. The project was then handed over to the local authorities. "The municipality and the health department, together with the Kurdish Red Crescent, now manage this system, carrying out the separation and disposal procedures".
Nevertheless, the difficulties remain enormous. "Unfortunately, in the current context, projects like these are considered secondary to the humanitarian emergency and security. Yet without effective waste management, the region's environmental crisis is only likely to worsen'. The work carried out in recent years shows, however, that change is possible, even under the most difficult conditions.
DEMILITARISING WATER
In Rojava, water management has become a political and humanitarian battle. The construction of large dams on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers by Turkey, despite international agreements, has drastically reduced the water flow to Syria and Iraq. But the problem is not limited to drought: water is now an instrument of geopolitical pressure, used to suffocate the Syrian North-East.
"From the beginning, Turkey has not respected agreements on water management," explains Gulistan Issa. "But the situation worsened with the occupation of some strategic areas, such as the Alok water station, the main source of water for 1.5 million people between Hasakê, Tel Tamer and Al-Hol."
The Turkish invasion of Serekaniye in 2019 marked a turning point. "Since then, the Alok station has been under the control of the pro-Turkish Syrian army, which has stopped its operations, depriving not only Kurds but also Arabs, Yazidis and Christians of water," Issa points out. 'Hasakê now depends on private wells, with water of dubious quality, while in the Al-Hol camp, the largest and most unstable in the region, the lack of water has aggravated sanitary conditions, increasing the risk of epidemics such as cholera and COVID-19'.
The use of water as a tool of war has had devastating consequences on the population. "The people who fled Afrin were forced to move several times: first to Tell Rifaat and Shahba, then to Raqqa and finally to Hasakê, where they now live in schools that have been turned into emergency shelters".
In order to solve the water crisis, the Rojava self-government sought an agreement with pro-Turkish forces to reactivate the Alok station: in exchange for the supply of electricity, the water flow was supposed to be restored. "But while the self-government respected the terms, water only came intermittently, once a week for a few hours," Issa complains.
To further complicate the situation, Turkey has intensified the bombing of energy infrastructure, hitting strategic plants in Derik and Derbasiya. 'On the one hand they demand electricity, on the other hand they bomb the power plants,' Issa explains.
Turkey did not only control drinking water, but also targeted hydropower production. 'The Tishreen dam, which fed Kobane, Raqqa and even Hasakê, was hit repeatedly,' Issa recounts. "The goal is clear: to create an energy collapse that would make life impossible in the region."
In response, the population organised protests at the dam, resisting even in the cold of winter. In the face of this emergency, the international community has remained silent. 'Water has become a weapon of war, yet no one intervenes'.
UPP and other organisations continue to lobby for the demilitarisation of water.
POLLUTION AND WAR
In Rojava, air pollution and environmental degradation are not only the result of chaotic industrialisation, but also a direct consequence of war.
'Oil extraction and refining in north-east Syria pose a serious health risk,' Issa explains. "Many people suffer from respiratory problems and cancers. Most cancer patients in the region are forced to travel to Damascus to receive treatment, because the necessary facilities are lacking here'. Living conditions are so poor that problems such as toxic emissions take a back seat. "People do not have access to drinking water every day, so air quality becomes a secondary problem," says Issa. "Raw diesel is used for heating in homes, often in rudimentary stoves that fill the room with toxic fumes."
The war has prevented the development of more sustainable infrastructure. "There are no advanced processing facilities and oil is refined using primitive methods outside the population centres," Issa explains. 'The situation is aggravated by the fact that Rojava is constantly under attack. Without security, no long-term project can be realised'. Dependence on oil is therefore inevitable. 'Building a new Syria would require a stable economy, safe water and a development plan'.
In addition to oil refining, the Turkish bombardment has had a devastating environmental impact. "Drone attacks and air raids are contaminating underground water reserves," Issa complains. "Due to a toxic leak, one of the lakes in Arisha has been poisoned, killing all the fish. It is an ecological catastrophe'.
The long-term consequences of this environmental degradation are incalculable. "We are not just talking about air pollution, but a systematic poisoning of the ecosystem," Issa explains.
BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE FUTURE
Despite technical limitations and reduced resources, Rojava continues to seek new solutions. "Democratic Confederalism actively involves local communities in resource management," Issa explains. Ecological transition, although hampered by war, remains a shared goal. "Courses on water quality are organised in Kobane and the water department has always participated enthusiastically," says Issa. "We provide modern tools for monitoring, but the real driver for change is the commitment of the population."
Training of health and technical staff is also a priority. "Local authorities are always looking to expand their competencies," explains Issa.
International restrictions have aggravated the situation. "After the USAID funding freeze, many essential services have been affected," Issa complains. "Despite some exceptions for life-saving programmes, many facilities have been left without support."
Alongside local institutions, numerous civil associations are contributing to environmental awareness. "Organisations such as Green Tress and Green NES are promoting reforestation and care for the land," says Issa. "They have even started educational programmes in schools, where every student has planted a tree in the courtyard to learn how to take care of it.
Rojava's vision is one of a future based on sustainability and self-sufficiency. "We want a green Syria, a Rojava full of water and vegetation," Issa states with determination. "Once this region was called Al-Jazeera, the island surrounded by the Euphrates, Khabur and Tigris rivers. Now the Khabur has almost disappeared, the Euphrates is drying up and the Tigris is constantly threatened'.
The obstacles are enormous: bombings, border restrictions, reduced budgets and an unstable political situation. Despite everything, hope is not lost. "We are fighting for a Rojava that can live without war, without water shortages, without pollution," Issa concludes. "And even if everything seems difficult today, we know that another future is possible.
*This article was originally published on DinamoPress and is available at this link: https://www.dinamopress.it/news/ambiente-e-assedio-la-battaglia-ecologica-in-siria-del-nord-est/
After months of Israeli bombardment, Lebanon is currently at the centre of a devastating humanitarian emergency that has left more than one million people displaced. Over 4,000 people have been killed and more than 16,600 injured. What is happening today? Despite daily ceasefire violations and the Israeli occupation that persists in large areas of the south of the country, Un Ponte Per is continuing to support the local response to the emergency, providing basic necessities to thousands of displaced families, in cooperation with our local partner Amel, which is at the forefront of addressing the situation. Although the ceasefire agreement called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the south of the country as early as 27 January 2025 - later extended to 18 February - it now seems clear that the Israeli army wants to keep portions of Lebanese territory occupied. Yet the UNIFIL contingent maintains positions in the south of the country and the regular Lebanese army is now deployed on the 'blue line' so as to implement the conditions of UN ReS. 1701/2006. This resolution, however, continues to be violated by Israel, which, by maintaining positions on Lebanese territory, does not respect the country's sovereignty while undermining the credibility of the new Lebanese institutions.
THE DIFFICULT CONDITIONS IN NABATIYE
One of the areas most affected by the consequences of the war between Israel and Hezbollah is undoubtedly the Nabatiye area, where tens of thousands of houses have been destroyed or severely damaged. Life for people displaced by winter has become extremely problematic. Shelters and collective accommodation are often unhealthy and isolated. Without heating, vulnerable people, such as children, the elderly and people with disabilities, are at risk of hypothermia and respiratory infections. Thanks to the funds raised by the Emergency Lebanon campaign and the invaluable support of Fons Català, we were able to distribute over 350 electric heaters, 350 winter kits and 350 hygiene kits to the displaced population, each of which serves a family of five. Despite the difficulties, many people are trying to return to their homes, and our commitment is to continue to support them in this obstacle course.
THE INFRASTRUCTURE SITUATION AND FOOD INSECURITY
The small Levantine country is also experiencing an exceptional food crisis. According to the WFP forecast, some 1.6 million people, or 29 per cent of the population, could suffer acute food insecurity by March 2025 due to inflation and reduced international aid. Displaced families, living in overcrowded conditions and with limited access to essential services such as water, education and health care, are again among the most vulnerable.
THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO NORMALITY
Apart from the areas that remain occupied by Israeli forces, many families are still unable to return home due to the lack of (destroyed) infrastructure and basic services. Those that have managed to return, however, face severe living conditions, without access to adequate medical care, schools and other daily necessities. Some 45 water facilities were damaged, putting access to water at risk for 497,000 people. Vulnerable groups, particularly women and children, are at higher risk of exploitation, gender-based violence, school drop-outs, child labour and social marginalisation. 60% of Syrian refugee minors and 27% of Lebanese children are out of school. The primary cause is displacement and the closure of school buildings.
THE ACTIVITIES OF A BRIDGE TO
In response to this emergency, Un Ponte Per, in collaboration with the Amel Association, launched the "Lebanon Emergency" campaign in October 2024 - with the support of Amel Italia - to support the humanitarian response of our Lebanese partners. Like Amel Lebanon, which is Lebanon's largest non-sectarian humanitarian organisation, and anyone who knows a little about the Lebanese context knows how exceptional it is to find capillary realities free of sectarian affiliations. Together with Amel, we also launched the project 'Emergency relief for the displaced population in Lebanon', supported by Fons Català in the governorate of Nabatiye, to provide basic assistance, basic necessities, hygiene kits, winter kits and food. Although conditions on the ground are very critical, the work of the local Amel operators is helping the most vulnerable people to survive and rebuild a dignified life. For this, we sincerely thank our partners on the ground, the many people and organisations who support us and also those who gave us a hand by spreading the word about our campaign.
OUR PROMISE
Un Ponte Per will continue to stand by the people in Lebanon who are slowly trying to return to their homes to rebuild their lives after yet another Israeli war and invasion. Despite the enormous challenges, we are committed to ensuring that the displaced families can receive the support they need to cope with the ongoing crisis, with the aim of alleviating their daily difficulties and so that they can regain a shred of hope for the future.
After 15 months of genocide and an unprecedented level of destruction and death caused by Israel, the ceasefire agreement took effect on 19 January. The Gaza population that survived the genocide thus entered the first of three phases of a ceasefire process, each lasting 42 days.
The main objective is to secure the return of hundreds of thousands of forcibly displaced people to their home areas, and in particular to the almost completely destroyed northern Gaza Strip, - as well as the entry of humanitarian aid, the withdrawal of Israeli troops from urban areas, and the exchange of prisoners.
People have been walking back to their cities for days now. What they find, however, is often just a pile of rubble. A destruction that is not only material.
"This is the most difficult phase for the surviving population," our colleague Sharif Hamad, who has lived through many Israeli offensives, most recently in 2014, which destroyed his own home, tells us. 'It is the moment when the joy of surviving soon gives way to anguish: you find your homes in rubble, you realise who is no longer there. If you no longer have to fight to stay alive, you give way to trauma. And it is often devastating,' he says.
As explained by our colleagues at UAWC - Union of Agricultural Work Committees, with whom we have worked tirelessly over the past 15 months to bring concrete aid to the Palestinian population, the terms of the ceasefire agreement have been internationally monitored since early February, although the aid entering Gaza has not reached the necessary levels. Fuel, medicines and safe havens for the displaced population who have seen their homes destroyed are still severely insufficient. In parallel, statements by the new US administration have generated enormous concern:
"These are extraordinary and unbelievable statements about the intention to carry out ethnic cleansing against the people of Gaza and to reconstruct the Strip for the purpose of building speculation," the UAWC explained. At the same time, newly-appointed President Trump signed executive orders to sanction the International Criminal Court and those working to implement international laws with respect to holding Israel accountable for its heinous crimes. "These are actions that Isarele is supporting and that seriously jeopardise the possibility of implementing the second phase of the truce agreement," our colleagues insist.
And on the other hand, the situation in Gaza remains dramatic. Over 500,000 people have returned to the areas to the north of the 'Netzarim corridor ' - created by Israel in the course of its offensive to control the Strip and separate the northern area from the centre and the south - finding their property and homes destroyed, the land strewn with unexploded ordnance and severely polluted, posing a real risk to the population.
Health and psycho-social services remain grossly inadequate to the needs: there is still a major shortage of fuel, clean water, sanitation materials and safe shelters, UAWC explain. To this must be added the destruction of all civilian infrastructure and of the main arteries linking the cities of the Strip, making the transportation of aid and the movement of trucks, which are rarely able to reach the areas where the needs are greatest, even more complex.
In this situation, the plight of families living from fishing and farming remains very serious. According to UAWC data, at least80 per cent of Gaza's agricultural land has been destroyed, severely damaged or rendered unusable, particularly greenhouses and fruit and vegetable crops. Sea water remains largely, and equipment needed for fishing, storage sites and warehouses have been almost totally destroyed. In addition to this, cisterns, water plants and water desalination sources have been permanently contaminated, damaged or destroyed, making the sources of drinking water supply extremely unsafe, and now almost inaccessible to the population.
An overall situation that, as always, weighs doubly on women, those who pay the highest price for the lack of sanitation, but also severely affected socially and economically. As explained by UAWC, women's participation in social and economic life has not returned to pre-7 October 2023 levels.
This is why 'it is necessary to keep our attention high and continue to support the population of the Gaza Strip as much as possible,' Sharif recalls. At the same time, he denounced the extremely serious violations committed daily in the occupied territories of the West Bank, where the heart of Israeli military operations has shifted with continuous arrests, demolitions, raids and attacks by soldiers and settlers against the occupied population.
The immediate needs identified by our UAWC colleagues in the coming weeks include the provision of fuel and clean water; the reconstruction of roads to allow for the delivery of humanitarian aid; the rehabilitation of farmland so that it can be cultivated again, and the provision of seeds and fertilisers to return to minimum levels of economic subsistence and self-production; the rehabilitation of agricultural infrastructure; direct financial support to ensure the survival of families; the distribution of hygiene kits and medicines; and support for women with social and economic empowerment actions to return to the levels of women's participation prior to the genocide committed by Israel.
"Your closeness is needed now more than ever," Sharif emphasised. "The people need to feel that we are there, that we are not abandoning them, that we will continue to fight alongside them in the demands of this moment: justice and reconstruction. Those who have supported us have shown great courage in these months: thanks to the generosity of so many people, we have been able to bring Gaza water, food, toilets, tents to shelter from the rain and cold. But we must go on and continue. Because only with your support can we Palestinians look up to the sky again and see a new dawn'.
To find out what we have done so far with UAWC, click here.
On the night of 2 to 3 February, a Turkish bombing raid in the north-east of Syria hit and destroyed the 'Kobane Water Station', a vital water station for the population, which had already been damaged during the terrible earthquake in the winter of 2023. The power station consisted of two pumping stations, one of which was involved in a rehabilitation project of Un Ponte Per.
The pumping station that was hit by the Turkish bombardment drew water from the Euphrates River and then transmitted it to the second unit, where water purification took place, and where we would soon start an intervention to rehabilitate the facility, improve its efficiency and train its staff to ensure access to drinking water for more than 60,000 displaced people living in the entire Kobane area. The functioning of the entire water plant is currently totally compromised. Finally, a new borehole was drilled to extract water in the village of Al-Adhath, in the Shahba area, Tell Rifaat district, making water more accessible to the local population.
"The attacks on Kobane, and in particular against the civil water and electricity infrastructure, are unacceptable and constitute a crime against humanity. Daily life is becoming more and more difficult and in this way they want to force us to leave our land," says Yasser, a resident of Kobane.
The city, which recently celebrated the tenth anniversary of its liberation from the Islamic State, continues to experience precarious security conditions due to continuous Turkish bombardment and threats from Turkish-backed Islamist militias, which have already attacked and taken control of the Shahba and Membij areas in recent months, resulting in thousands of newly displaced people.
The impact of the Turkish bombardment over the past few days now affects more than 100,000 people in the entire Kobane area, which is already in a very precarious condition also due to the terrible earthquake that devastated the region in February 2023, also affecting and damaging the waterworks.
At the time, the already critical conditions of the displaced population had been severely aggravated by tremors reaching a magnitude of 7.7, causing 5,900 casualties and the destruction of over 2,000 civilian buildings. Since then, the more than 43,000 displaced people have been living in precarious conditions, without the possibility of returning to their homes and in the absence of safe shelters, food, medicine and clean water. For this reason, the Kobane Water Directorate had appealed for immediate support to increase its technical capacity. In response to this appeal, our intervention was planned, which would fit into a broader framework of activities we have been carrying out for years in north-east Syria to ensure environmental justice and work on proper waste disposal.
"Two years after the terrible earthquake that wreaked havoc across northern Syria, the inhabitants of Kobane are once again being affected by continuous Turkish attacks, which are targeting civilian infrastructure without distinction," explains Roberta, our programme desk officer for environmental justice interventions in the area. "The joy at the start of the work we were going to do to rehabilitate one of the most important water pumping stations in Kobane has been dissipated by the smoke of new rubble: tomorrow it will be even more difficult and expensive to rebuild," Roberta explains.
We strongly condemn the deliberate and indiscriminate attacks by the Turkish side against the civilian population in Syria, and in particular against civilian infrastructure necessary for survival: actions contrary to international law that must be stopped immediately.
Ambra Malandrin, head of the project "Building futures: promoting peace through education" financed by 8x1000 funds from the Soka Gakkai Italian Buddhist Institute, tells "Il Nuovo Rinascimento" about the results of the first months of activity in the Safe Spaces we set up in Raqqa, which for years have continued to guarantee protection services to women and children.
WHAT DOES THE PROJECT 'BUILDING FUTURES: PROMOTING PEACE THROUGH EDUCATION' CONSIST OF? WHAT ARE ITS OBJECTIVES?
The humanitarian crisis situation in Syria is very delicate, there are serious shortages of essential services, including education. An estimated 2.4 million children are out of the education system and there is a very high illiteracy rate. Children aged 12-14 are sent to work and girls are forced to marry.
The city of Raqqa is still scarred by the occupation of Daesh (ISIS). This occupation has broken down the social fabric and led to an increase in child labour as families live in economically degrading conditions.
One of the aims of the project is to provide non-formal education to eliminate the gap between those who go to school and those who do not: due to high costs and lack of facilities many families are unable to support their sons' and daughters' education. Through the project we provide them with literacy and basic numerical skills for illiterate women; remedial schooling for children out of the education system, to facilitate their reintegration into formal schooling; extracurricular support courses for children who, despite attending school, find it difficult to study due to social hardship or lack of educational support.
Non-formal education also includes peace-building and conflict resolution training. Another objective is psycho-social protection and support, which aims to support the development of personal resilience to overcome problems arising from crisis situations and trauma and to counter abuse, child labour and gender-based violence.
THE PROJECT WAS SUPPORTED WITH 8X1000 FUNDS FROM THE SOKA GAKKAI FOR THE THIRD YEAR. CAN YOU SHARE THE RESULTS ACHIEVED SO FAR?
Your contribution has been crucial, starting in 2022 we reached 4,400 individuals in just six months with protection projects, through individual support, recreational activities and psycho-social support. In 2023, we reached 18,000 people through radio campaigns and one-to-one sessions, with awareness-raising initiatives focusing on topics such as gender-based violence prevention, child protection, women's rights and the rights of persons with disabilities. We have seen a positive impact on the population, particularly in Raqqa where safe spaces have been created for girls who are survivors of gender-based violence. This year, with the inclusion of other educational and peacebuilding activities, we reached in just three months about 130 children and women with educational activities, 160 with protection interventions and more than 10,000 people with an International Day of Peace radio programme. We also train local staff on gender-based violence issues to make the project sustainable for the future.
HOW DO YOU DEVELOP NON-FORMAL EDUCATION AND WHAT RESULTS DO YOU EXPECT?
Non-formal' education is flexible and responds to different needs of people. It has three basic components: integrating children who have been excluded into the national education system, filling the educational gap that does not allow them to attend classes with their peers. The second component is school preparation, i.e. after-school courses, to support children who have difficulties in studying due to social hardship or poor educational and economic support and therefore drop out of school. This aspect of non-formal education includes tutoring in certain subjects, such as mathematics, science and English. In our centres there is a room where children can stay between classes to do their homework with a teacher to help them.
The last component is basic numeracy and literacy for tutors. This improves the women's practical skills but also strengthens their educational role within the family, promoting greater autonomy and increasing their employment possibilities. Peace education is always integrated into recreational activities, e.g. conflict resolution and climate change, and mixed sessions with approximately 500 participants are planned to create community dialogue and reduce intergenerational tensions, but also to develop greater civic awareness.
WHAT ARE SAFE SPACES AND WHAT KIND OF ACTIVITIES DO THEY INVOLVE?
UPP-DOZ Safe Spaces are protected environments where women and children can access psychosocial support, educational activities and protective services in an inclusive and respectful context. One of these Safe Spaces is dedicated to girls and another to children and adolescents. Their aim is to provide protection, e.g. there is an integrated approach with sessions such as emotional and peace education.
They also discuss gender-based violence, early marriage and child labour. Cases of gender-based violence are still very high, one of them being forced marriage, in which about 80 per cent of 15-year-old girls are forced into marriage.
For this reason, in our centres women find staff trained by UPPs(case workers) who can effectively support them in cases of violence and can access them more easily because they are in the same places where women go for other activities; therefore, they do not have to openly declare to their family members (often the abusers themselves) that they are going to the anti-violence centre to ask for support.
There are also recreational and play activities and parenting training sessions, which aim to implement child protection capacity within families. There are many courses that involve strengthening mutual support between women because female isolation is very strong in Raqqa. There is also a place set up to take care of smaller children so that female guardians can participate in other activities while children are in contact with experts in child care.
WHAT KIND OF FUTURE WOULD YOU LIKE TO SEE REALISED THANKS TO THE PROJECT?
The impact we would like to see is radical and lasting with an emphasis on non-formal education because for us this is the key to progress and empowerment and must be pursued holistically.
We aim to realise opportunities for growth by increasing the autonomy of the people we work with and this is necessary to prevent contextual problems such as child labour and violence. Of course, peaceful education also serves this purpose, to strengthen the social fabric.
We would like to create and maintain safe environments and support people in overcoming momentary difficulties, such as the current ones, in which the Syrian population is once again experiencing a severe crisis, but we would also like these tools to have a long-term impact, as resilience tools, to build a fabric of peace that starts from the local communities themselves.
Following the recent forced displacement due to political changes and the risk of military occupation, since early December 2024, Raqqa has been facing an emergency situation in which all public schools have been converted into collective centres to accommodate over 50,000 displaced people in a matter of weeks. This has left thousands of chidren without access to education, exacerbating the already existing education gap. Displaced children are also not attending school, further increasing the need for non-formal education interventions in emergency settings. In the coming months, we will closely monitor the changes and growing demand, as evidenced by the long waiting lists for our non-formal education courses, which far exceed the resources currently available.
Ambra Malandrin
Protection & Education Coordinator
For over 30 years, we have worked in Iraq to protect the rights of the population, especially women and minors, respecting the complexities and richness of the Iraqi mosaic. Over the past six months, and particularly in recent days, Iraqi public opinion and civil society have been engaged in a significant debate regarding the rights of women and girls.
“In today’s world, where the rights of women and children are finally central to public discourse, even in Iraq, allowing marriage under the age of 18 is dangerous and could have catastrophic consequences for Iraqi society.” This is explained with great clarity by our Iraqi Head of Mission, who has worked with us for decades.
Indeed, three laws were recently passed in parliament, including one on personal status, which has sparked intense internal debate in the country over the years, largely ignored by international media. These laws, shaped by political compromises and sectarian divisions, are considered by many in Iraqi civil society to be among the most dangerous ever presented in parliament due to their impact on women, society, and Iraq’s already fragile social cohesion. There are also concerns about the constitutionality of the parliamentary session held on Tuesday, January 21, during which, in just 10 minutes, three highly divisive laws were approved (as highlighted by the Coalition 188 in a public statement). Among these, the amendments to the Personal Status Code are particularly troubling. This code governs personal and legal capacity, family law, marriage, the rights and duties of spouses, property arrangements, separation, divorce, filiation and custody, maintenance, guardianship, inheritance, and more.
THE PERSONAL STATUS CODE OF 1959
The Code, enacted in 1959 following the establishment of the Iraqi republic, was the result of mobilization by various segments of society, including the early women’s organizations that played a central role. The Code aimed to establish a unified legal system governing the personal status of all individuals. Based on Islamic principles, the Code also introduced a series of “civil” rights and protections, especially concerning marriage, divorce, inheritance, and the rights of women and minors. These were guaranteed to all citizens, regardless of their religious or sectarian affiliation. Since 2003, the Code has faced periodic attacks and attempts to amend it, which were countered by the mobilization of women, civil society, and political actors. At least until last Tuesday, when parliament approved new amendments that dismantle the Code’s “civil” character and increase the influence of Ja'fari (Shiite) and Hanafi (Sunni) jurisprudence as sources of law. This shift contradicts the Iraqi Constitution, which—while acknowledging the importance of religious traditions—emphasizes the establishment of a civil and democratic state rather than a religious or theocratic system. The original intent of the 1959 Personal Status Code was to safeguard civil rights, particularly for mothers and minors, without conflicting with Islam or other major religions in Iraq. The current advancement of sectarian laws significantly worsens the state of human rights in the country.
THE AMENDMENTS OF JANUARY 2025
The main change introduced by the amendments is the reduction of the 1959 Code to just one of several possible legal frameworks for personal status matters. Alongside it, both Shiite and Sunni jurisprudence are now included. In this context, the most alarming aspect of the new amendments is the legalization of child marriages. According to Ja'fari jurisprudence in Shiite Islam, the legal age for marriage is set at 9 years old for girls. The primary change is that the law can now vary depending on individuals’ religious affiliations, effectively institutionalizing sectarianism in the legal system and further dividing Iraqi society, with severe consequences for the country’s stability and security. Another modification repeals Section 5 of Article 10, which has been in force for over 15 years to prevent extrajudicial (i.e., exclusively religious) marriages. Until now, courts were required to approve all marriages, ensuring they met legal criteria on a case-by-case basis. The repeal strips state judges of their authority in this area, explains Coalition 188, a group of civil society actors at the forefront of resisting the changes to the 1959 law.
HOW IT AFFECTS IRAQI WOMEN
In addition to the already mentioned legalization of child marriage, the amendments and institutionalization of the principle of “sect” have particularly harmful consequences for Iraqi women and girls. Some of these include:
WOMEN IN IRAQ
It’s easy to see how these changes represent a significant deterioration in the lives of Iraqi women, whose courageous struggles for self-determination we have often supported and highlighted. Without going too far back in history, we can look at the events of October 2019, when women took to the streets in Iraq’s major cities to claim their space and voice in typically male-dominated environments. In February 2020, they marched through Baghdad in response to calls for them to return home and leave the public squares. Or we can turn to the words of long-time Iraqi feminist activist Hana Edwar, captured in Silvia Abbà’s book, Il mio posto è ovunque. Voci di donne per un altro Iraq (Astarte Edizioni and Un Ponte per):
“On February 13, 2020, there was a march in many Iraqi cities—Baghdad, the center, and the south of the country. It was incredible; women from all walks of life were there, young women leading the march with such confidence… Thousands of women walking the streets chanting slogans against gender violence. It was beautiful. I’m so proud of them. In that moment, I felt the entire space speaking about women as the revolution, as the voice of the revolution, the voice of trust in change, for a new future in Iraq.”
Even in less extraordinary circumstances, Iraqi women fight daily for their rights in their families, workplaces, and universities. As our Head of Mission concludes: “It is unimaginable for a young girl to become pregnant while still attending primary school. This is not the society we want to build. We Iraqis want a democratic, civil society that respects diversity. That’s why we need laws that apply equally to all social, religious, ethnic, and sectarian groups.” We can only share these concerns, these hopes, and continue to walk every day alongside our Iraqi sisters.
In February 2024, in light of Israel's terrible genocidal offensive against the population of the Gaza Strip, Un Ponte Per launched its 'Water for Gaza' campaign. Thanks to the relationship we built with our local partner - the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC) -; to the extraordinary generosity of the people who donated; and to the many solidarity organisations that organised initiatives throughout Italy - we managed to achieve important results.
The aim was to provide a modicum of relief to the hard-hit population, which is experiencing a severe shortage of food and drinking water.
Together with UAWC and the incredible work of its local teams in Gaza, we reached more than 30,000 people in nine months with distributions of clean water, food baskets and hygiene kits.
What are we actually doing?
Supply of drinking water
This initiative focused on the urgent need for clean water and sanitation to several refugee camps in the central and southern regions of the Gaza Strip. Our intervention reached 5,500 families with 142 cubic metres of clean water to people who previously depended on expensive or contaminated water sources.
Provision of food parcels and hygiene kits
We distributed 72 food parcels to as many fishing families, totalling 396 people displaced or made homeless by the conflict in various areas of the Gaza Strip. This targeted aid played a key role in addressing some of the urgent needs of the affected communities, offering crucial support in a time of extreme need. The food parcels included a balanced variety of nutritious food products, including cereals, pulses, canned food. In addition, we were able to distribute hygiene kits to 500 displaced families.
Installation of eight water tanks
We have been able to install 3 water tanks with a capacity of 5,000 litres, and 4 tanks with a capacity of 2,000 litres to provide lasting support to communities forced to be displaced by Israeli military order. As soon as conditions allow us to do so, the humanitarian and logistical effort will be to support the reconstruction of water purification facilities militarily destroyed by the occupying force.
Installation of 'Dignity Box'
We have installed 4 toilet units, each consisting of 4 toilets in 4 different informal camps (one in Al-Zuwayda, one in Deir al-Balah and two in Nuseirat) to serve 358 families and approximately 1700 individuals. Unfortunately, the continuous forced displacement of Gaza families has now caused their savings to be depleted. Thus, families have been stranded in areas totally lacking in facilities. Thousands of people are crammed into makeshift tents, without sanitary facilities, deprived of their dignity. Israeli blockades continue to prevent access for sewage treatment materials and this is causing progressive faecal contamination of the groundwater. With winter looming, the possibility of flooding is great, as already happened in the area of Khan Younis and Al Mawasi in late September. Such floods pose a huge health risk and have a serious impact on the dignity and resilience of the population. According to UNICEF, under these conditions children are almost 20 times more likely to die of diarrhoeal diseases than from bombs . This is why our 'hygiene boxes' pursue the dual objective of safeguarding the dignity of displaced families and not feeding the very serious water contamination that causes infectious diseases.
SECURING TENTS
As winter approaches, the needs of the people of Gaza increase, as do the catastrophic risks of disease and famine. In al-Mawasi, in the central area of the Gaza Strip, we were able to secure the worn-out tents of about 200 families with water-repellent tarps that withstand the elements.
All this was made possible by the generosity of those who donated, and by the work of UAWC's highly specialised team in Gaza, who made distributions according to need and to those who needed it most.
The siege of Gaza continues and hunger and thirst are used as weapons of war, despite the fact that international conventions and humanitarian law prohibit this. With the arrival of summer, the lack of access to drinking water is multiplying gastrointestinal diseases and typhoid and cholera epidemics are feared. Dozens of boys and girls have now died from hunger and dehydration. In addition, the Israeli army's possible offensive in Rafah, where 1.5 million displaced Palestinians live crammed in, risks multiplying the current humanitarian catastrophe tenfold.
We sincerely thank those who donated individually and collectively, supporting the 'Water for Gaza' campaign, testifying to the attention and solidarity of Italian civil society far removed from the government's positions.
How we manage to bring water and food to the Gaza Strip
Activities are carried out through a combination of direct distribution to families and collaboration with local organisations to reach the most vulnerable populations. Our local partner, UAWC, uses mobile distribution units for areas with limited access and establishes distribution points in areas that are less at risk of Israeli attack.
The fresh part of the food parcels is obtained from the few farmers who, despite the difficulties, continue to cultivate in Der-al-Balah and Khan Yunis, where the attempt to economically resist the brutal military siege continues. These farmers are in contact with the local UAWC committees, which buy their produce. The funds arrive from Ramallah to the Committees' bank accounts, which then package and distribute the food parcels.
Non-fresh food is procured through the few trucks that manage to enter, focusing only on essentials such as oil and canned goods. Products that have been subject to spiralling prices. Water is taken from two still functioning wells in the south and then distributed via cisterns, in a system consolidated during the years of siege.
UAWC is trying to rehabilitate two wells in the north for the people left behind, with the intention of using solar panels if possible. This effort is also an act of resistance, a demonstration that the land belongs to the community.
Meanwhile, the situation of the wells in the south is being mapped in the hope of rehabilitating them as far as possible. The rehabilitation of the wells is one of the first emergency activities being undertaken, all in cooperation with the local UAWC committees.
Our work continues
We continue to strongly denounce the genocide carried out by Israel against the people of Gaza. We call for an immediate and permanent ceasefire, and we join the call of our Palestinian partner UAWC, which:
We invite those who support us to:
"The efforts you are making to support us represent a vital contribution, and remind us that there is still good in the world. Every drop of water in this ocean of need counts, and will make a difference to so many".
This is the message from our partners in the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC) to all the people who are supporting us.
